08 May 2013

Artifactual Hardware

What I am advancing is a media-critical antiquarianism. There has always been a double bind in antiquarian data processing between distance and empathy, resulting from the gap between the physical presence and the discursive absence of the past. Antiquarians have tried to bridge this gap by touching and tasting the immediate, material object. For antiquarians, history is not just text but the materialist emancipation of the object from an exclusive subjection to textual analysis. Antiquarianism acknowledges the past as artifactual hardware, so to speak, upon which historical discourse operates like a form of software. In a digital culture of apparent, virtual, immaterial realities, a reminder of the insistence and resistance of material worlds is indispensable, and all the more so from a media-theoretical point of view. Far from being an imperfect approximation to historical discourse, the antiquarian attitude deserves to be treated on its own terms. The antiquarian's almost haptic taste for the moldy, decaying fragment (mummies, parchments, remnants of bodies and objects) is close to physical data processing: according to André Bazin, the real (le réel) of the photographic image resides with the corpse. If we redeploy the analytical tools developed by the so-called 'new historicism' in literary studies from textual analysis to material cultural studies, we find not merely archival data on history (the symbolic regime of the archive, the scriptural regime of sources for historians) but also -- as opposed to the textuality of (narrative) history -- the otherness (even resistance to interpretation) of the material fragment, the relic. 
// Wolfgang Ernst, in Digital Memory and the Archive, 43-44 (edited by Jussi Parikka)

19 April 2013

Interleaving History: an Illustrated Book of Common Prayer

[The following is cross-posted from the Folger Shakespeare Library's blog, The Collation. Thanks to Sarah Werner for including it, and for her help with formatting. If you'd like to leave a comment, please do so at the original post.]

In Henry Fielding’s novel Tom Jones, Partridge and his friends go to see a play. As they watch a man light the upper candles of the playhouse, the predictably inane Partridge cries out, “Look, look, madam, the very picture of the man in the end of the common-prayer book before the gunpowder treason service!”

The picture Partridge refers to is most likely this—
—a widely circulated and often reproduced image of Guy Fawkes sneaking toward the House of Lords, matches and lantern in hand. (Click on any of the images in this post to enlarge them in Luna.) It’s easy to read Partridge’s bumbling analogy as a comedic misinterpretation of the seriousness of the Gunpowder Plot—after all, he seems to see no difference between a flame intended to ignite barrels of gunpowder and one used to light candles in a playhouse (!). There’s a second level to his comedy, though, lost to most modern readers: namely, that by the eighteenth century this iconic depiction of Fawkes simply was as common as lit chandeliers. Found interleaved in many (if not most) extant post-1662 copies of the Book of Common Prayer, this image, along with another showing Charles I’s execution and a third celebrating Charles II’s return, iconically punctuated the state services added to the end of the restored Prayer Book. 

While the Folger holds many fine examples of extra-illustrated Prayer Books, I’ve been researching a copy that makes particularly interesting use of the practice of interleaving liturgical texts with images. Like many others compiled in the seventeenth century, this Prayer Book is bound within a collected volume that includes several religious texts, including a Bible, a copy of Sternhold and Hopkins’ Psalms, an Apocrypha, John Speed’s genealogical tables, and John Downame’s concordance. Unlike other composite volumes, however, this book—really, an aggregate of multiple printed books bound together—is heavily interleaved with loose prints, diagrams, maps, illustrations extracted from other texts, contemporaneous portraits of religious and political figures, even an elaborate (and as-yet unidentified) manuscript monogram. In fact, most of the leaves of the Bible in this copy have been removed and replaced with images culled from different sources, including William Slatyer’s illustrations of Genesis (a set of 40 plates published in the 1660s) and an unidentified German book, possibly some form of illustrated Bible that includes scriptural passages in both German and Latin. In short, the owner(s) of this volume went far beyond the standard practice of interleaving one’s Prayer Book with a few ready-made prints of Guy Fawkes!

In the process of weaving together these materials, the books owner(s) tended to recode textual information as visual iconography, and they did so in a way that narrated scripture and liturgy through seventeenth-century political history. A perfect example of this can be seen in a string of pages at the end of the Book of Common Prayer. Pasted on a blank leaf, interleaved after the prayer “After Victory or Deliverance from an Enemy,” is an illustration of the Battle of Downs, at which the Dutch navy defeated the Spanish in the English Channel:

Pasted on the verso is a thanksgiving prayer describing England’s second deliverance from the Spanish Armada.

(I haven’t yet attempted to source this, though text and image seem to be from the same book; if you know what it is, please leave a message in the comments!) Appropriately enough, this entire sequence comes at the end of the section on prayers to be used at sea. The inclusion here is unusual; perhaps the family that composed the book was involved in the Battle at Downs or was particularly invested in naval politics, a hypothesis supported by the inclusion of interleaved maps elsewhere in the book.The Prayer Book continues with a thanksgiving for deliverance from the Gunpowder Plot of 1605, illustrated with the typical engraving mentioned above, followed by the prayer to be said on the day of Charles I’s martyrdom. Rather than using the standard martyr illustration, however, the owners have interleaved an image of Charles I seated in front of a globe, a pen poised in his hand over Scotland.

This engraving, by Marshall, is very similar to the same artist’s frontispiece to Reliquae Sacrae Carolinae, the collection of Charles I’s writings published immediately after his death. Next is interleaved a copy of Marshall’s famous frontispiece to the Eikon Basilike

—followed finally by the more standard engraving of Charles I’s execution, captioned with scripture.

The entire sequence ends with the prayer commemorating the Restoration, accompanied by a regal portrait of a crowned King Charles II.

Far from simply inserting the usual imagery, the book’s owner(s) creatively use a variety of illustrations to narrate the collection of state services at the end of the Prayer Book as the story of Charles I’s martyrdom. Thus the Battle of the Downs—at the time, considered a political embarrassment for Charles—becomes a victorious “deliverance” equivalent with Elizabeth’s 1588 defeat of the Armada, while his execution becomes merely the full stop on a royal life that was always already martyred to the English church. Since some of the printed editions included in this composite book seem to predate Charles I’s execution, the positioning of images within the text, as well as the book’s remixing of pre- and post-execution materials, serves to renarrate and thereby restore Stuart religious politics.

I first came to this fascinating book through my research on the Little Gidding Harmonies, a set of cut-and-paste biblical concordances produced in the 1630s and 1640s at the religious community of Little Gidding. While I don’t have space to get into the connections between these books, it’s worth noting that both the Harmonies and the Folger’s volume share an interest in absorbing other printed materials—books, pamphlets, engravings—into their physical framework. The owner(s) of the Folger volume were careful to make their collection appear to be a unified single volume, going so far as to extend the margins of the Psalter and the German illustrations with pasted strips of paper in order to match the page width of the rest of the book. Prints that aren’t large enough to be interleaved are carefully cut out and pasted onto fresh paper, and each page is visually framed with red ink lines. Like the Little Gidding Harmonies, this book is invested in disguising its multiple origins, even as it trades on the excess signifying power of, for instance, the Marshall engravings it recycles.

If (returning to Tom Jones) Partridge’s offhand remark satirizes how common images of the Gunpowder Plot had become, then the volume at the Folger indicates how uncommonly such images could be used. Through a highly material process of cut-and-paste composition, the owners of this book transformed a set of mass-reproduced religious texts into a wholly new document that uniquely reflects—or perhaps carefully projects—their political and religious affiliations.

14 March 2013

FAQs on the Little Gidding Harmonies

As was announced last week on the Houghton Library's blog, the Houghton's Little Gidding Harmony has been digitized. It was done with money I was granted by the Episcopal Women's History Project for the express purpose of producing a high-resolution electronic facsimile of this very special book. I'll be using these images in a digital project I'm working on about Little Gidding.

That digital project will be part of my dissertation, which is on the Harmonies -- specifically, on the cut-and-paste construction of these books as a form of early modern female authorship. Broadly construed, my work situates the Harmonies within the ever-growing canon of early modern women's writing and media production, both text and textile. Given my interest in Little Gidding, and my occasional blogging about it, I have, since Houghton's announcement, received quite a few emails and tweets about the Harmonies. I'm delighted to see interest in these unique books, and decided to write up answers to a few frequent questions I get about them. Feel free to ask me any additional questions in the comments.

Uhm.. what? These are "cut-up" books? Like, Burroughs? What does that mean?

Right; I should probably start with the basics. Little Gidding was an Anglican community that flourished in Huntingdonshire in the 1630s and 1640s. It was started by Mary Ferrar and her son Nicholas Ferrar. Nicholas was a former Member of Parliament and had been involved in the debacles of the Virginia Company during the 1620s. Disillusioned, he and his aging mother bought a dilapidated manor house in Huntingdonshire in 1625, where they, along with their extended family, lived a simple yet highly regimented life of prayer and devotion.

Sometime toward the end of the 1620s, the family began making Gospel Harmonies. They did this by cutting apart the gospel accounts of Matthew, Mark, Luke and John in printed editions of the Bible, then pasting them back together into 150 chapters that tell the story of Christ's life in chronological sequence. In other words, they are remixing four separate accounts of the same events into a single linear narrative. Later Gospel Harmonies deal with the great variance found across these four books by using different typefaces and colored inks to construct multiple reading pathways through these 150 chapters; but the Houghton Harmony, which is the earliest known, does not. All the books cut their source texts at a level of great detail, chopping apart phrases, even words. Thus they were not remixing entire pages of text at Little Gidding, but small units of textual information. However, they remained fairly faithful to the verse sequencing that has structured English Bibles since the publication of the first Geneva Bible of 1560.

Many of the Harmonies are illustrated, mostly from Netherlandish/Flemish engravings (or English copies of them). Some of these illustrations are simple, and take the form of cutting off the caption and pasting it and the image separately on the page --


-- others are highly complex collages of multiple figures carefully cut from their original context.


[These two images are not from a Gospel Harmony, but a kind of illustrated, harmonized concordance of the five books of Moses in the Old Testament, produced in 1640 after Nicholas Ferrar's death. This book was presumably owned by Archbishop Laud, and bequeathed to St. John's College, Oxford, upon his death, where it remains today. These photographs are my own.]


However, complex collage techniques were already present in the Houghton volume. In what acts as a kind of title page for the Houghton Harmony (interesting aside: later, the Harmonies develop actual manuscript title pages, designed to mimic the appearance of a printed title page), the women have cut apart the title page of Adriaen Collaert's Vita, Passio et Resurrectio Iesu Christi (Antwerp, ca. 1600) -- a set of 51 engravings after Maerten de Vos, the primary source of visual content in this Harmony:


The book's actual title has been extracted, and a Christ figure has been added from another engraving. Two other figures beside Christ have been cut from their original context, with text pasted between them and where they "should" go in the uncut print. Though far simpler than later collages found in the Harmonies, this attentiveness to design and the general relationship between figures and their own symbolism shows that this volume was far from a simple book used for public readings. Rather, composing it was part of a broader devotional practice that enacted spiritual relationships through actions like cutting and pasting. In other words, the process of making these books, of adorning them, was as important as the product of the adorned book. 

Why did they make these strange books?

There is of course a long tradition of harmonizing the gospels, or producing concordances of scripture. Joyce Ransome has recently argued that the Ferrars may have initially made their own cut-and-paste book with the goal of sending this "dummy" manuscript to a printer, to be typeset and published as just such a concordance; but they were pre-empted by the publication of Johan Hiud's The Storie of Stories (1632). Ransome's argument is tempting, and is backed up by evidence within Ferrar's correspondence.

Regardless of whether the community wanted to publish their books in print form, though, the desire for a chronology of Christ's life, divided into 150 chapters, emerged from the community's reading practice. Passages from the New Testament were read aloud daily, with the goal of completing all four gospels over the cycle of one month. The entire psalter was also divided into chunks and read aloud daily, over the course of various set reading times. The Ferrars needed books that facilitated these communal reading practices -- books that were composed entirely from scripture (many other published harmonies were bloated with additional commentary), and ordered in a way that matched how they read together. In other words, they needed a kind of "Little Gidding edition" of a Common Prayer book. The Houghton Harmony fulfills this purpose.

Later Harmonies get insanely complicated in how they structure reading in their design, and in the visuals they employ. As such, they become artifacts in their own right, somewhat independent from the context of the community and more oriented toward the demands of their royal patrons. Nonetheless, the practice of harmonizing seems (appropriately enough) to have emerged from this collaborative oral reading practice.

Wait -- royal patrons?

The Houghton Harmony is annotated by King Charles.* Here's a particularly charming example:


The King has noted an error, then crossed out and corrected his own annotation, writing, "I confess that I was too hastie / for it is verrie well, but two / littell omissions that I haue marked." It seems Charles borrowed this particular book after he heard about it from a neighbor of Little Gidding. He liked it so much that he asked for his own to be made. That book is known as the King's Harmony and is now at the British Library; Paul Dyck and his collaborators Stuart Williams and Ryan Rempel have turned it into a digital edition, using digitized microfilm provided by the British Library. After signing up, you can log in to see it for free; here's one color page from it (most of the rest are black/white microfilm):


The King's Harmony initiated a long relationship between Little Gidding and King Charles I. The community made many books for him, his son Charles, Archbishop Laud and possibly others associated with his court, even after Nicholas Ferrar's death in 1637.

*Sidenote: a bit of a mystery is attached to Charles' annotations of the Houghton Harmony. Another volume, now at the Bodleian, also appears to have been annotated by Charles, although the curator has not provided me with independent confirmation. The presence of Charles' hand in the Bodleian volume disrupts the usual sequence of events linking Little Gidding to the court. C. Leslie Craig addressed this mystery many years ago in an article in the Harvard Library Bulletin, titled "The Earliest Little Gidding Concordance."

How did you find out about these books!?

Like "how long have you had your hair," this is one of those questions whose frequency confuses me!

But, the answer is simple: Bill Sherman mentions the Little Gidding Harmonies in his excellent book, Used Books: Marking Renaissance Readers (2008), in a chapter on a manuscript Book of Common Prayer designed to look like a printed book. The citation stuck in my mind (as have many things about Sherman's work), and I've been researching Little Gidding more or less ever since.

Who else is working on these books?

Adam Smyth has recently written an article in ELR on George Herbert and the Harmonies, and continues to work on the Harmonies as part of larger project on book destruction in the early modern period.

Paul Dyck has published an article on the King's Harmony in The Library and in the George Herbert Journal, as well as a series of excellent articles with his collaborators on turning the Harmony into a digital edition.

Joyce Ransome's 2011 book on Little Gidding, The Web of Friendship: Nicholas Ferrar and Little Gidding, has a chapter on the Harmonies. She has also published an article on the Harmonies in The Seventeenth Century. 

Margaret Aston has a chapter on Foxe's Book of Martyrs and the Harmonies in Agent of Change: Print Culture Studies after Elizabeth L. Eisenstein (2007).

While the Harmonies didn't attract much attention in the twentieth century, a few intrepid scholars wrote about them. George Henderson's "Bible Illustration in the Age of Laud" describes some of the source texts used in the Harmonies. Stanley Stewart has a chapter on the Harmonies and Herbert in his book George Herbert; I wish future Herbert scholars had read it more carefully. Earlier in the century, C. Leslie Craig and Nancy Cabot both published on the Houghton Harmony.

Carmen Ortiz-Henley recently completed a dissertation on the Harmonies, and Michael Gaudio is writing a book on their use of religious prints.

I haven't used many qualifying adjectives in the sentences above because these articles/chapters are all superb, and well worth reading. I'm sure I'm missing others.

(Note that, if one searches "Little Gidding," one quickly unearths a trove of later nineteenth- and early twentieth-century hagiographies of Nicholas Ferrar. This is because in 1881 John Henry Shorthouse published John Inglesant, a heady historical novel of the type we don't read much nowadays, but which was popular at the time. In it, the eponymous hero (note his last name -- subtle) visits Little Gidding and falls in love with the beautiful and pious Mary Collet, Nicholas Ferrar's niece (and the primary "author" of many Harmonies). Witness the beauty of his affection:



Inglesant ends up fighting a Mr. Thorne for Mary's love, but she knows he can't give himself over to the rural life led at Little Gidding (of course); and so they part ways. It's exactly the kind of pure, sentimental love that struck a chord with Anglican revivalist readers of the time; suddenly, Little Gidding found itself famous. Preeminant Anglican T. S. Eliot's visit and subsequent poem "Little Gidding" advanced the community's reputation as a place where quiet, uniquely English devotion was practiced, and it's been a target of religious nostalgia ever since. In fact, a Christian commune was re-established on the site of the original manor house in the 1970s. While Little Gidding's renewed fame led to a fair amount of work on Nicholas Ferrar, the Harmonies and, importantly, the role of women like Mary Collet in making them got buried in the virginal stillness of her "great lustrous eyes[,] moist with tears." In short: when it comes to Little Gidding -- or, really, anything having to do with the seventeenth century -- don't trust what was written in the nineteenth century.)

I have a lot more to say about all of this -- especially about the Harmonies as the products of women's labor -- but fear I am already way past TL;DR. Thanks to anyone who has ever shown an interest in these beautiful books. As Adam Smyth has said, "their time has come."

25 January 2013

"So, what's up with MLA?"

Today was 2013's first meeting -- I should say reunion, since I've been out of town for several months now, and the two people I work with, Mary Caton Lingold and Darren Mueller, are not just colleagues but friends, and it's a joy to share work-time with them -- of SoundBox, a project I co-steer at Duke. This is a digital humanities project, in the loosest sense of the term, that explores alternative ways of making scholarship more noisy. We spend a lot of time thinking what digital humanities is and has been as a field, but ultimately we're more invested in a fluid, creative-critical approach than in disciplinary formulations. We're all "who cares, let's get to work" kind of people.

As we were wrapping up the business side of our chat, Darren, who is a PhD candidate in Music at Duke doing interesting research on the history of the LP, asked me something along the lines of, "So what's up with all the DH stuff coming out of MLA?" Being in a music department, he (understandably) has never been to MLA's annual meeting, and didn't "get" why, for the last few years, it seems to leave a tidal wave of blogposts, tweets and Storified narratives on "DH AS A DISCIPLINE" in its wake. And -- again, being in a music department -- he felt excluded.

"We're over here doing digital humanities," he said. "I just don't see what that has to do with MLA. I'm a music scholar."

I didn't have a great answer for his question, since, to be honest, I'm not sure why MLA has become an important venue for DH work.* My introduction to MLA, years ago, was a senior professor at another conference -- a conference scheduled at the same time as MLA (I didn't know this then, since I barely had a notion that MLA existed) -- rolling her eyes while proclaiming, "MLA, who needs it. What a blowhard organization." I was master's student, in media studies (not English). I didn't get the joke (was it a joke? I don't know), but I laughed anyway. Sure, MLA. Who needs it. Haha.

Turns out, if you're trying to do DH these days, you need it. Not a scholar of literature? Too bad. Or so it can seem.

I post this, because Darren's simple question gave me pause. It should give pause to anyone involved in the current round of "who's in, who's out" hand-wringing. MLA -- due in large part to the wonderful work of Kathleen Fitzpatrick, the organization's Director of Scholarly Communications -- has made important steps toward inviting lit folks into a conversation about new forms of scholarship (reviewing, publishing, producing), and MLA Commons has introduced a new dimension to the digital circuits we (I was going to write "we DHers," but will leave it simply "we") track. Other disciplinary institutions may follow suit. But MLA is not where DH gets defined. MLA should not be where DH gets defined. Hell, I don't even know why so many DH panels end up at MLA. "The Dark Side of Digital Humanities" sounds like it belongs at ADHO's Digital Humanities conference, or some other venue addressing DH as a discipline.

Because that's the point, right? Of the hand-wringing? For better or worse, DH is a discipline now -- with universities granting degrees in it, and federal organizations dedicated to funding it -- and that brings boundaries, and how the boundaries get drawn sparks turf wars. It's a boring narrative, really, and I don't have much stake in any of it; but if we're going to agree DH is a discipline, we should start having conversations about its disciplinarity at appropriately disciplinary venues. MLA is not that.

There's a lot of exciting work happening at Duke that I would consider digital humanities, in the broadest sense of the term. As Darren has pointed out to me, Mark Anthony Neal's use of social media -- his twitter stream, blogging and weekly webcast Left of Black -- is one stellar example, showing how humanists can use web technologies to spark relevant, thought-provoking and cross-disciplinary conversation, linking together a variety of audiences and publics. (Similar examples were showcased last year at the conference "Black Thought 2.0: New Media and the Future of Black Studies.") Is Professor Neal "doing digital humanities"? Is he a digital humanist? I never see his work cited in DH communities; he's not "in," so to speak. And -- amazingly; shockingly -- this is of absolutely no consequence. His work will continue to connect people, whether it's tagged as DH or not. Because it has cultivated an audience. And because it is relevant to that audience.

While at MIT, I worked at HyperStudio, a digital humanities lab that began many years ago with Berliner Sehen, a still-innovative multimedia learning environment for exploring what it means to be "ein Berliner." The lab has also worked on projects about US-Iran relations, the Comédie-Française in Paris, and with Pete Donaldson and Alex Huang's Global Shakespeares project, which once looked at Asian performances and film adaptations of Shakespeare but which has since branched out to include other areas of the world. HyperStudio has been extremely international in its focus, from its inception -- in fact, it emerged to address the pedagogical needs of MIT's language departments. HyperStudio should be cited more in current discussions global DH. As a result of working in such an environment, my perspective may be skewed: but I tend to think a field's transformation should not lead to an erasure of its deep, complicated histories.

I don't intend to dismiss the importance of the conversations that have happened at MLA, or in the flood of recent blogposts about DH, transformed or otherwise. But we should keep Darren's question in the back of our minds.


* I'm being a bit facetious. There is, of course, a history here. See Matt Kirschenbaum's justifiably oft-cited "What Is Digital Humanities, and What's It Doing in English Departments?"

18 January 2013

Circuit-Bending Digital Humanities

Below is the text of a talk I gave this week at the Research and Innovation Institute of Centre Pompidou in Paris. Thanks to Alexandre Monnin for inviting me to the seminar, and to the other presenters Aurélien BerraAurélien Bénel and Alexandre Gefen for sharing their fascinating work.

Note that the text of the talk is based on (and incorporates sentences from) a chapter I wrote for a forthcoming MIT Press volume on digital humanities, edited by Patrik Svensson and David Theo Goldberg. I kindly request that, should you wish to quote this text, that you don't quote from this post but from the chapter once it's published. Thanks to the editors for allowing me to post this mashed-up, remixed oral(-ish) rewrite of the original. 


* * * 

In 1939, at the height of America's Great Depression, five square kilometers of ashen wasteland outside New York City transformed into this –


– the magical wonderland of the New York World's Fair.

This World's Fair was the first explicitly future-themed World's Fair, and everything about it gleamed with visions of a clean, streamlined techno-utopia. At its center, towering over the landscape, were the iconic Trylon and Perisphere – an enormous sphere-and-spike structure, featuring the world's longest escalator, going up into the spike, and a utopian diorama of "Democracity," a future suburban metropolis, inside the sphere. Spiraling out from its center were various visions of the "World of Tomorrow," where corporate innovation in transportation and communication technologies transformed every aspect of modern life. Colorful Ford Zephyrs drove visitors along the multi-tiered "Roads of Tomorrow"; General Electric showcased the air-conditioned, automated "Homes of Tomorrow," full of novel gadgetry like dishwashers and laundry machines; fairgoers lined up to make their first long-distance telephone call at AT&T's pavilion, or, at RCA's pavilion, to see their first glimpse of clunky mirrored projection cabinets called "televisions." Even sex and burlesque was automated in the World of Tomorrow. As the official guidebook described the theme:
The eyes of the Fair are on the future – not in the sense of peering into the unknown and predicting the shape of things a century hence – but in the sense of presenting a new and clearer view of today in preparation for tomorrow.
Debuting alongside television sets and long distance telephony was – oddly enough – this rare book, a 310-year-old Biblical concordance:


Produced in 1630 at Little Gidding, an Anglican commune just outside Cambridge, this book was made by cutting apart printed books and images related to the Four Gospels of Christ, then pasting them back together into a cohesive, linear narrative. In other words, while it look s printed – and indeed one nobleman who visited Little Gidding could not believe the group was not secretly hiding a printing press – in fact it is composed entirely of the bits and pieces of other books that have been dissembled, sliced apart, then pasted back together to form a new artifact, called, most appropriately, a Harmony. Later Little Gidding Harmonies exploit the form and function of differing typographies and colored inks to construct multiple reading paths through the story, acknowledging textual variance in their material design while nonetheless synthesizing these differences.


What (I wonder) did 1939 World's Fair visitors see when they looked at this book? I'm not asking for a description of the artifact itself; I mean what did the book signify to them -- what kind of conceptual or ideological structures framed the object they saw before them, in 1939, at a future-themed World's Fair?


There's a few ways we could answer this question. One way is to ask someone who was there in 1939 – a conceivable task, since many of our parents or grandparents were adults at the time, and some of them may have visited the British Pavilion at the World's Fair, and may even – though this is of course a stretch – remember seeing this somewhat odd book. Of course, if we found someone who was in fact there, and did remember the book, we'd be asking them this question in 2013, a good 74 years after the event – so the memory transmitted would be distorted by the ripples of time, especially by experiences of later times in which technologies proclaimed as "the Future" in 1939 had already slid into the past.

Another way to answer this question would be to attempt a form of time travel using the various mechanically-inscribed memories we have of the event. In other words, we could watch footage from the World's Fair, read the World's Fair Guidebook and newspaper accounts, sift through photographs of the British Pavilion, searching for some mention of this unusual book.

Of course, the problem with this kind of time travel is that we can't step outside our own sense of what 1939 was like – our knowledge of what became of its techno-utopian visions. In other words, this video doesn't come to us "live, from 1939!" – as if it were a direct transmission from the distant past – but comes to us here, now, in a room in Paris in 2013. We watch it in the stubborn, intractable, intransigent present, at a moment when the futurism of the 1939 World's Fair has become retro-futurism: a form of kitsch nostalgia. In fact, we laugh at GM's Futurama, or the "Democracity" diorama, precisely because the peaceful, prosperous, freedom-loving techno-utopia that the visionaries of 1939 projected onto this, our own moment, never actualized. We're not driving hovercraft vehicles, or driver-less cars; talking robots don't do my laundry, or wash my dishes.

Our bemusement comes from more than the failure of their vision, though. In the 74 years between then and now, the charge that certain technical objects carry, their magnetism, has changed; and when those poles shift – the poles that orient us to our own media ecology – then "the future" as such changes, too. And when our sense of "the future" changes, so too does our relationship to the past. Nowhere is this more evident than in the Little Gidding Harmony, an object that debuted with little remark, at least none that has been left to posterity. In all likelihood, the British government thought it interesting enough to showcase it at the British Pavilion not because of its innovative cut-and-paste composition but because it was annotated by England's ill-fated King Charles I. In other words, it was an artifact to be marveled at not because of what it was, or what it depicted, but because of who handled it. It carried the charge of royal hands. Looking at the book today, though, I'm less struck by Charles I's annotations (as historically impressive as they are) than I am by the fact that the women of Little Gidding seemed to have engaged with a form of what we would today, anachronistically, describe as "remix culture." Not only were they remixing paper objects, a good 350 years before digital culture brought us the concept of "remix," but they had developed an extraordinarily sophisticated hypertextual reading system that encouraged the kind of multimodal, multimedia interaction that we now think of as the hallmark of twenty-first century technical episteme. Indeed, my interest in understanding our digitally-inflected episteme – an episteme, by the way, shaped by the futurism of the 1939 World's Fair – has caused me to see this book with new eyes, eyes crucially different from those seeing it in 1939.


We marvel at the people of the past marveling at now mundane technologies, trying to imagine what it was like to see television for the first time, or to make the first long-distance telephone call; trying to imagine what they imagined we would be, and calculating the gap between that and what we have become. There seems to be no exit from this infinite loop of history, no way to break this moebius strip of retro-futuristic wonder. Despite, or perhaps because of, the proliferation of inscriptive technologies – technologies that record, store and transmit history – a seemingly insurmountable gap yawns between the past and our present.


I wanted to start with this example today, at a seminar on digital humanities, for a few reasons.
First, and most simply, because this moment that I've dwelled over was, in many ways, very like our own. In 1939, a decade of worldwide economic recession was squeezing institutional budget lines, with the arts and humanities (predictably) feeling the most pressure. Sweeping in to fill this vacuum were corporations like IBM and RCA, who partnered with scientists and engineers at relatively newly-founded polytechnical institutions like MIT and Caltech to develop the most advanced corporate laboratories in the world – laboratories that drove innovation in computing and communications technologies.

Exploiting this flurry of new electronic technologies, academic libraries began transferring the Western world's cultural heritage to a radical new medium called "microfilm," fitting entire libraries onto a collection of small spools that took up no more space than a few filing cabinets. Some decried the new medium -- in fact, if you want some fun bedtime reading, I suggest the minutes from meetings of library associations during this period, which are (quite humorously) replete with complaints from grumpy librarians, resistant to microfilm. Meanwhile, societies like the National Microfilm Association cropped up to promote the new medium, countering complaints by arguing, in part, that microfilm would help preserve cultural heritage artifacts and offer wider access to rare, inaccessible materials. (Sound familiar?) One thinker, Vannevar Bush, was so inspired by the possibilities of the new medium that he imagined it as the basis for his now-famous Memex, a new collective memory machine by which users could mechanically traverse massive, interlinked libraries of information, storing their individual pathways through this microfilmed data. You might say Bush envisioned a kind of "microfilm humanities" of the 20th century.

So, on the one hand, I wanted us to stop thinking about the newness or future of digital humanities and instead pause over the deep, complicated history of technologically-inspired "movements" within the scholarship.

But, more broadly, I wanted to focus this talk on history as such.

Our sense of time – its ebb and flow between a recorded past and an imagined future – is one aspect of our research and indeed our everyday lives that digital technologies are transforming most. Yet, surveying the digital humanities literature, you wouldn't think this is the case. With the notable exceptions of the work of Bernard Stiegler (whom I know shares a special affiliation with this institute) and several exciting thinkers within the subfields of media archaeology and media history – none of whom, I think, would primarily identify as "digital humanists" – few scholars affiliated with what loosely might be termed "digital studies" have delved into the temporal significance of digitizing our historical record. But it is significant nonetheless. One way of understanding these changes is to turn back to a concrete example: the Little Gidding Harmony.

I've been studying the Little Gidding Harmonies for several years now, and am in the very early stages of a project that I hope will eventually lead to the digitization of each Harmony in a richly interlinked, high-resolution digital facsimile edition, showing the source texts used to cut and paste together each page. (I expect that this project will build on the wonderful work of Paul Dyck, whose web-based edition of one Harmony is in fact, appropriately enough, an edition of a digitized copy of the book's microfilm.) The Little Gidding Harmonies, and editions like these, are, as I see it, the "bread and butter" of digital humanities, helping to provide universal access to books or other documents which – because of their highly multimodal, multimedia form – simply cannot be reproduced in print. Bringing these objects to a wider research audience in turn shifts our understanding of, for instance, early modern women's writing, as suddenly artifacts previously buried in the bowels of the archive become visible to us in this new medium (even as other documents become invisible). We might liken this remediation of our cultural heritage to a shifting spotlight: one platform elucidates a certain subset of documents from a particular period, another offers a very different perspective on the same historical moment.

This aspect of digital humanities as an Enlightenment project, shedding new light on old documents, is widely known and now widely accepted; few would dispute the value of such projects, and granting institutions, at least in the US, are eager to fund them. I want to zoom in, though, and consider what it means, historically and materially, to produce and disseminate a digital facsimile as the primary representation of a document. In other words, how are electronic facsimile editions transforming our experience of texts as material objects? What will be the material existence of this electronic representation of a seventeenth-century collage?

First, and most obviously, this edition will include high-resolution digital photographs of the book – photographs that are, it's worth noting, frozen moments in the life of that book, mediated by both the lens of the camera at the time the shot was taken and the screen on which I view the image later. These digital photographs will be stored on a server and posted online for others to access.



Though I have never seen or touched these servers, there is a noisy weight to them: they suck up electricity, blow out hot air, spreading sound and heat into their surrounding environment.


The more web users access the images, the more the servers work and thus the more energy they use – a fact which, in aggregate, has a global impact on the planet's environment but no impact on the digital artifact itself. In others words,while my physical handling of the Little Gidding Harmony at the Houghton Library inevitably left minute traces of that moment on the book – of my body, the bodies surrounding me and the room we inhabited together for a brief afternoon – my online examination will leave the digital artifact unaltered in its appearance; yet it will still leave its trace on the globe by contributing, in a small way, to climate change and the depletion of the planet's natural resources, both fossil fuels for electricity and the metals and minerals used to manufacture the servers. (Note also that server racks do not have a particularly long life, but would require replacing anywhere from every three to every twenty years to avoid bit rot and technical obsolescence – yet another way digital storage temporally and spatially defers its material impact.)

While the environmental impact of these images concerns me – and is also far too little mentioned or studied within digital humanities – the key point here is not that one form of interaction is less environmentally damaging than another (for the climate control required to preserve rare artifacts arguably has an even greater carbon footprint than viewing a digital facsimile online). Rather, I want to underscore that this deferral of a physical impact away from the object or the moment of interaction indicates a major shift in how we experience and perceive history. Viewing the Little Gidding Harmony in the Houghton Library, I am witness to its existence across multiple centuries – to its physical aging and preservation – as well as to its co-presence in a "now" in which it continues accrete the material stuff of its environment. Viewing the digital images, though, I observe an eternally returning present moment, the moment when the book was photographed. The representation is not subject to the same now as me, then, but rather drags its own frozen moment in time across a multiplicity of nows.

To state that digital facsimiles present an eternally-returning frozen "now" is more than ethereal philosophizing. If I download a page image from the digitized Harmony to my local hard drive, or even just access it online, the date and time of the download become the "date created" in the photo's metadata or the date accessed in my cache, giving the appearance of an image updated with every viewing.


Thus while the image as a representation remains frozen in time, the image as information is temporally on the move, copied from my server today to the local disk drive of a website visitor tomorrow, to another set of storage hardware next month in a constantly fluctuating rematerialization of data. (These fluctuations occur even without my intervention as my hard disk drive shuffles data, cutting and pasting new over the old – a palimpsest of frozen moments in the history of my storage device.)

Almost a century ago, Walter Benjamin identified "reproducibility" (Reproduzierbarkeit) as a key feature of modern media, a concept updated by Lev Manovich as "variability," the idea that new media objects "can exist in different, potentially infinite versions"; such terms, though, do not capture the temporal dislocations that occur when a digital representation of an historical artifact becomes a primary access point into the past. By hoisting entire archival collections online, digitization projects transform history into a series of recursively-updated, selfsame snapshots.

This sounds like I am launching a critique of digital humanities projects, and to some extent, I am. But hidden in every critique is a manifesto, the potential for change. Instead of treating these micromoments of temporal and physical remediation as insignificant or hidden bits of metadata, I suggest that we embrace these temporal transformations in how we conceive of and design digital humanities projects.

In other words, I suggest we approach the process and outcome of digitization as itself a creative act of mediation, allowing our knowledge of both digital materiality and the materiality of the artifact being digitized – its provenance and production – guide us in how we conceive of and design digital work. What would such a project look like?

I have (or have attempted, at least) a few digital projects in this vein; I'll share one quick example of a completed and published one to show you what I mean. A few years ago I stumbled across this quote in a The Anatomy of Plants, a late-seventeenth-century book on plant science by a fellow named Nehemiah Grew, the first botanist to use a microscope to study the intricacies of vegetal structures.


Basically, Nehemiah Grew here is analogizing the structure of plant life to the structure of a book – an odd analogy, even for one of England's oddest centuries. I became (one might say...) mildly obsessed with this quote, and began tracking down every bit of text, from the four centuries preceding it, that might plausibly relate to or help me understand why Grew used this (to my eyes) delightful analogy. In the process, I realized that I was doing to the archive what Grew did to plants – that is, dissecting it piece by piece, and subjecting it to a microscope, looking not at large-scale cultural or historical transformations but at micro-moments, all the way down to single quotes. As I was conjuring my research into an article, I realized I wanted to capture the syncronicity between my archival journey and Grew's scientific experimentation, and wanted to do so in a way that gave readers access to at least a visual sense of the material history of these investigations. This was the result.

video

My approach to wanting to produce a digital edition, or digital project, about the Little Gidding Harmonies has been very similar. That is, the more I learn about how the women of Little Gidding remixed printed materials to produce their Harmonies, the more I want to honor these cut-and-paste methods not just by presenting a static facsimile, but by inviting visitors to participate in some form of remix themselves. After all, my own research process has been not unlike that practiced at Little Gidding: I've gathered their books around me, cutting and pasting them apart (conceptually – not physically!), identifying source texts and prints down to the level of individual cut-outs using a massive spreadsheet of color-coded information.


I'll then paste all this data back together into a cohesive narrative that tries to make sense of the history and culture of these unique books.

The point here – the point, that is, of blurring scissors, wheat paste and CTRL-X – is not to be insensitive to the differences between "then" and "now," but to engage in a purposeful and intentional anachronism. This temporal dislocation is tactical, designed to dredge up protocols of earlier "remix" cultures that were lost to later centuries. I want to ask: what do book historians learn by dragging the mechanisms of remediation across material history like a raking light, pulling its texture into sharp relief?

The most immediate lesson pertains to our own moment in time. Though less prominent in recent discussions, remix culture has been central to how many in the digital humanities have defined themselves against traditional humanities methods, with UCLA's "Digital Humanities Manifesto 2.0" claiming that "anything that stands in the way of the perpetual mash-up and remix stands in the way of the digital revolution." Many scholars have (as well-trained humanists are wont to do) sought precedents for cut-and-paste criticism in experimental practices like the cut-ups of Bryon Gysin and William Burroughs or, more recently, Alfred Jarry's pataphysics, thereby rooting digital humanities in the perpetual avant-garde of the twentieth-century.

Yet "remix" is a capacious concept. Though composed as a multimedia mash-up of printed materials, the Little Gidding Harmonies did not use cut-and-paste methods to disorder but to harmonize meaning, weaving the many narrative threads of the gospel into a single tapestry. Situated within – in fact remediated by – the context of the web, the seemingly conservative aesthetics of this unusual seventeenth-century book (ironically) unravel the intellectual ethos of radical experimentation woven around slicing, dicing and mashing up media objects in our own time. In doing so, this juxtaposition encourages those interested in historizing digital humanities to hone the meaning of "remix" and, perhaps more interestingly, invites alternative histories of creative, cut-and-paste criticism.

Bringing the Little Gidding Harmony into a playful digital space also elucidates otherwise invisible moments in the book's history, such as its appearance at the 1939 New York World's Fair. As I mentioned previously, the book's appearance at the fair seems to have gone largely unnoticed in the scholarship on these books, indeed seems to have left little impact on fairgoers themselves, overwhelmed as they were by the more glamorous sites and sounds of the "World of Tomorrow." Yet  I was fascinated when I first learned this little factoid. Why? As technological innovations today invigorate an interest in these early modern examples of remix, the book's presence at the first future-themed World's Fair suddenly seems newly significant. Remediating history can thus powerfully change its topography.

Of course, this holds for the study of Little Gidding itself. While Little Gidding and its founder Nicholas Ferrar have long been lauded within Anglican histories, and even saw a brief spat of public fame in the late nineteenth century, scholars have long neglected the community's remarkable Harmonies. One twentieth-century critic even described them as "dreadful monuments of misdirected labour" – ! However, the rise of digital humanities – a field which argues for the value of process over product, collaboration over individual authorship, and "maker" culture in general – has reinvigorated interest in these unique, amazing works of cut-and-paste scholarship, helping people like me build the argument that manual labor (labor of the hands) can be a unique form of intellectual labor, whether performed with scissors and paste or at a programming terminal; and that this form of materialist making is worthy of study in its own right. In this way, a shift in disciplinary values cuts new pathways into the past.

What I've been describing here is a form of recursive historiography – that is, a method of journeying from the present to a related moment in the past, then back to the present, allowing each stop, each iteration of a particular topos like "remix," transform our relationship to all others in the series. (I'm borrowing this term, by the way, from Markus Krajewski, through the work of Geoffrey Winthrop-Young.) Think of it as a form of circuit-bending the humanities. Rather than history as a narrative form of time travel, in which the historian enters into and communes with the timeless vacuum of the archive in order to pinpoint our origins, a circuit-bending approach to history short-circuits the technological residue of earlier centuries. Garnet Herz and Jussi Parikka describe such an approach in a fascinating recent article on media archaeology, writing that, in circuit-bending, "the black boxes of the historical archive and consumer electronics are cracked open, bent, and modified" in order to disturb, renew, or otherwise intervene in their operations.


I think it's important – and I suspect Hertz and Parikka would agree – that we take this statement literally. Rather than metaphorical actions, verbs like "cracked open, bent, and modified" describe the circuit-bending acts of the hacker (an)archaeologist, rewiring the past to hear or see or read or perceive something new.


An example (again drawing in part from the work of Winthrop-Young) may help explain what I mean. In a recent essay, Wolfgang Ernst describes seeing a low-cost 1930s German radio in the basement of a museum. Collecting dust in an archive, the radio offers little insight into the culturally and politically significant role that this cheap, widely available technology played in disseminating Hitler's voice to the German people. Switching the radio on, though – listening to contemporary broadcasts of Lady Gaga or Justin Bieber pumped through this aging system – brings the relationship between cultural and technological functionality into focus, showing that, as Ernst puts it,
there is no ‘historical' difference in the functioning of the apparatus now and then (and there will not be, until analogue radio is, finally, completely replaced by the digitized transmission of signals); rather, there is a media-archeological short circuit between otherwise historically clearly separated times.
Although Ernst did not physically re-wire this radio, the result was similar to the circuit-bending art described by Hertz and Parikka: namely, through the creative reactivation of a device, our sense of history, as delineated by the physical archive, changed. The radical and intellectually jarring juxtapositions that occur in such acts of "t(h)inkering" spark a deeper appreciation of the presence, the material weight, of history, as well as its significance to our own moment.

A focus on late nineteenth and twentieth century consumer technologies, like radios, has occluded media archaeology's connection to trends in digital humanities. Yet I would argue that an inverted form of Ernst's radio experiment occurs every time, for instance, a medieval manuscript is digitized and posted online in the framework of web-based software.


For (to state an obvious but still under-appreciated fact) an online e-book platform is, like a radio, an operational apparatus, such that certain aspects of it cannot be understood unless it is switched on; and though Ernst may not agree, so, too, is a medieval manuscript: it must be opened, used, for it to "disclos[e] its essence." When the former mediates the latter, it alters the operations, the "codes" of the medieval codex, physically and temporally rewiring it according to the software's designed logic. What represents the "past" and the "present" in this modified, mashed-up digital artifact? Scholarship abounds on the social transformations engendered by such tools; much remains to be said on the material transformations they enact, and even more on how their tactical deployment might spark new historical devices.

The ability to transform not only how we study but what we see in the past is perhaps the digital humanities' greatest potential. Whether or not practitioners in the field can mobilize this strength, though, hinges upon their insistent awareness of mediation, its effects and affects. As Johanna Drucker has forcefully argued, too many projects employ digital mapping tools and information visualizations as if their interfaces were transparent, self-evident reifications of data, rather than contemporary graphical conventions. This blind adoption of "tools" ends up taring history against our own media ecology, such that the present becomes the inevitable outcome of a past in which Western culture has always/already traversed the routes constructed by Google maps, or Western thinkers like Newton always/already "intended" their writing to be read through highly mediated digital transcriptions.

Rather than projecting the past onto the present, a "circuit-bending" approach to the digital humanities uses our present media ecology as a map for discovering the neglected corners of history, then plugs them into our own moment. It is powered by a recognition of "the made-ness and constructedness that inhere in any representation of knowledge" (as Drucker puts it) and, as such, exploits the rich potentials of electronic media without compromising the transformative power of the humanities to think and perform new ways of perceiving, experiencing and being in the world. Pursuing this approach also helps bridge the perceived divide between building and thinking, making and theorizing; for here, a material engagement with objects enacts a theoretical relationship between past and present, reconfiguring our historical coordinates in the process. It is critical and creative, interpretive and interventional. Its potential is fully realized not as a method for producing narrative histories so much as a kind of electronic schematic that diagrams the historical junctions where our sense of what is "old" both meets and diverges from our perception of the "new."


The Communications Building at the 1939 World's Fair featured Symbolizing Man, a twenty-foot plastic head, linked by a gleaming light to a thirty-foot globe. Between them, a multi-paneled mural showed (according to the Guidebook) "the acceleration of inventions in communications from primitive beginnings to the ‘World of Tomorrow'," including "postal service, printed word, telegraph, telephone, motion picture, radio and television." Of course, an object like the Houghton's Little Gidding Harmony fills no gaps in this list, forms no missing links in the evolutionary process connecting plastic sphere to Symbolizing Man. Its inability to fit into this technological history speaks volumes on the ideologies that shaped the exhibit, and which still shape how we conceptualize newer technologies in relation to older ones. The current hinging of "digital" and "humanities" has the power to short-circuit this narrative, if we deploy the former as a tactical re-wiring within the strategic devices of the latter.

18 December 2012

Rocks, rocks and more rocks; on a curious book with flap boulders

I was at the Wellcome Library in London this afternoon, spending time with Descrizione del Sacro Monte della Verna (catalogue entry here), a very large book of etchings related to Monte Penna, most famous as the place where St. Francis of Assisi received stigmata. Printed early in the seventeenth century in Florence, the book is a bit unlike any other sets of etchings I've seen before -- first, because several of the images have flaps, and second, because those flaps are rocks, and tend to be inexplicably placed. Like this large rock in the middle of a scene of other rocks, which lifts to reveal...



...more rocks!


Or this other oblong rock, floating over other rocks...



...rock, paper.......



I know St. Francis worked water from rocks; but what is a big boulder -- wider than both the page and the room it occupies -- doing inside?





I'm pretty sure these flaps were misplaced, either when they were originally tacked in or by some well-meaning later owner. The long strips of paper that hold them, wedged between the leaves, are hand-drawn to look like the portion of the illustration they cover, and are so carefully done as to appear printed at first. The ink is also very black, which may indicate the strips are a later addition, used after the flaps fell off their original location. If anyone knows more about this book, or related sets of prints, please do share, as it remains a bit of a mystery to me.

Some related images can be found here.

11 November 2012

"Thus are all things confused among the Poets"

From the Folger Shakespeare Library.
[H]e took out a Box out of his pocket, wherein was that picture enclosed, which he ever carried about him, though it were of a pretty bigness. ... Methinks, saies he to Lysis, that where before the breast was represented by two balls of snow, there are now two Globes, where may be seen the Aequator, with the Tropicks, and other circles. You are in the right, replyes Lysis, Anselme hath reform'd it since you saw it, having sent for colours to Colommiers; but this last thing is of my own invention, and as time makes us wiser: I have left the snow for Charite's neck, and some places adjacent; and as for her breasts, I thought fit they should be represented as two worlds, for to render the picture more delightful by the variety. It is certain your Masters the Poets do ordinarily compare the breasts of their Mistresses to worlds, saies Clarimond, but very impertinently. You are mistaken, replies Lysis; and I assure you, that if I possess'd Charite's breast, I should think my self happier then any Emperor; for I should be master of two worlds, whereas the greatest Emperor that ever was, could never enjoy one. An excellent fancy indeed! says Clarimond; because the breasts are round, therefore they are worlds, Apples and plums, and all things that are round are worlds too. 'Tis a very slender resemblance of a thing, to have nothing of it but the simple figure; but yet in this case you cannot make good all you say, The breast of a woman hath but two half bowls, they must be put together to make one whole one; so that you are still short of your reckning; for you can finde but one world, which is divided into two, as the Cosmographers represent it in their universal Maps: And I must tell you, that it was a far neater invention of those who say, That Venus having obtained of Paris the Apple, which was to be given the fairest of the Goddesses, she was so taken with it, that having cut it in two, she plac'd it on her breast, and wore it for an eternal sign of her victory, and will'd all those of her sex should do the like. However, if you desire that Charite's breast have two Globes, I grant it you; and I will in that sense too teach you an imagination which you never knew; and that is to say, that half of each Globe is sunk into the body, and that there is only what remains apparent; and as for the nibbles, it must be believ'd they are the Poles. Moreover, to render the picture more judicious and rational, it should be my advice to feign that one is a Terrestrial Globe, and the other the Celestial; but though we should grant all that, yet will there be still somewhat to be reprehended; for if they be worlds, they must necessarily have Suns to enlighten them, and it cannot be perceiv'd they have any, if we do not suppose the eyes; but they are at too great a distance: But if you would take them for two Suns, how can you imagine it, since you call Charite a Sun, that carries them about? One great star therefore carries two little ones, and that also contains two worlds. Thus are all things confused among the Poets; and to hope any satisfaction from their impertinent imaginations were the vainest thing in the world. 
// Charles Sorel, The extravagant shepherd, or, The history of the shepherd Lysis translated out of the French (1653)